By Sujit Bhar
A recent Calcutta High Court order has brought to public view the stifling and illegal grip that politics has over the state’s film industry, quite like the many other facets of life in West Bengal that are today at the mercy of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) that governs the state, headed by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.
The issue today is not just about how extortion is slowly killing all enterprises in the state, but about how every intellectual and semi-intellectual activity in the state is being systematically beaten to the ground, thereby killing any scope of germinating talent. It is difficult to believe that this is a state which at one time gave the country and the world directors such as Satyajit Ray, Ritwick Ghatak, Mrinal Sen, Rituparno Ghosh and many more. It is difficult to believe that the state’s film and television industry, concentrated around the historic neighbourhood of Tollygunge, once a beacon of regional art and culture, is today dead wood.
Tollygunge, over the past few years, has seen increasing turmoil, coercion, and political interference in what should be an independent and creative space. Such interference is jeopardizing the livelihoods and creative freedoms of those who work in it.
The recent High Court order was a sharp judicial scrutiny of the rotting system. Justice Amrita Sinha has categorically restrained the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) from interfering in the work of independent filmmakers.
The Court order was clear, as it said: “The respondent no. 5 (Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India) is restrained from interfering with the independent functioning of the petitioner in performing work and none of the fundamental rights to life and livelihood and the right to carry on business, trade, and profession shall be interfered with.”
This intervention followed a petition filed by 38-year-old filmmaker Bidula Bhattacharjee, who accused the FCTWEI of “extreme highhandedness,” not only obstructing her work, but also that of other directors associated with the Directors Association of Eastern India. The petition, filed on March 20, detailed the FCTWEI’s imposition of arbitrary rules, effectively paralyzing creative freedom and production workflows.
Political Links and Conflict of Interest
The Federation’s credibility as an independent body is under serious doubt due to its leadership. Swarup Biswas, who heads the FCTWEI, is the brother of Aroop Biswas, a senior TMC leader and minister. This family connection makes it hard to ignore the deep-rooted involvement of the ruling party in the Federation’s functioning.
In a state where the ruling party’s leaders have entrenched themselves in almost every sector capable of generating revenue, the film industry has inevitably become a political fiefdom. This is because Bengal still produces enlightening movies that not only educate, but also bring in the moolah. It is the last part of the booty that these political head honchos are after. The pattern in this state is that if there remains even one source of revenue, it has to be jumped on and appropriated. The resultant loss of pride and livelihood remains nobody’s business. The recent and massive school teacher selection scam is a glaring proof.
The proof, actually, is everywhere. The TMC’s record of infiltrating sources of money—ranging from the infamous syndicate raj in the real estate sector to controlling sports associations—is now replicated in the cultural space. The TMC’s grip over the industry through its proxies like this Federation is just the latest episode in its long saga of systematic extortion and control.
The TMC’s infiltration into every lucrative sector has led to widespread economic stagnation. Once thriving industries have either collapsed or migrated out of the state. Investors remain wary of setting up operations in West Bengal due to rampant extortion and lack of administrative transparency. As a result, job creation has faltered, and income-generating avenues have dried up.
The real estate sector, once a robust contributor to the state’s economy, now operates under a syndicate system where construction material has to be bought at inflated prices from suppliers affiliated with the party. Sports bodies, previously managed by professionals, are now often headed by political appointees or even close relatives of the chief minister. This trend has now reached Tollygunge.
Directors Fight Back
Notable filmmakers and members of the Directors Association of Eastern India have long protested the Federation’s stranglehold. Their complaints are not just about inflated fees or arbitrary hiring rules, but about a larger systematic effort to crush independence. Directors claim that the Federation imposes a “diktat culture,” where only those who conform to its whims can operate freely.
Many directors report being forced to employ technicians or services at non-competitive rates, with little room to choose based on merit or budget. Failure to comply often results in disruptions, sometimes violent, during shoots. These practices have not only made film production more expensive, but have also pushed many budding filmmakers out of the industry altogether.
With the state’s economic landscape having drastically shifted under the current regime, the government has been forced to depend on less sustainable sources of revenue. Property registration taxes have now become the second-highest contributor to the state exchequer, a clear sign of industrial decline.
This reliance on property tax signals the government’s inability to create new avenues of income. Instead of fostering a supportive environment for sectors like film, television, and digital media—which could have been sunrise industries for the state—the government has allowed its political machinery to co-opt and bleed them.
Even when legal victories, like the Calcutta High Court’s recent ruling, offer hope, the road to actual implementation remains fraught. Many fear backlash for speaking out, and informal pressure tactics often continue unchecked despite formal prohibitions.
The Genesis of The Case
The Court moved with precision and determination. On April 3, Justice Sinha allowed Bhattacharjee to file a “comprehensive representation highlighting all grievances” before the secretary of the information and cultural affairs department of the state government. The Court then directed the secretary to hear all “the necessary parties” and pass a “reasoned” order within four weeks from the date of filing of the representation.
On the same day another similar petition was filed by 14 other filmmakers, including Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Anirban Bhattacharya, Sudeshna Roy, Indranil Roychowdhury and Kingshuk Dey. It is interesting to note that among these, some have been close to the powers that be for a long time, holding important government posts.
The allegations say that some members of the directors’ guild have been allegedly denied health insurance benefits because the applications are routed through the Federation. The Federation also discriminated among members on the basis of unique identity cards. Recently a makeup lady found herself without work for months, because of this issue and she had to come out in the open to complain, exposing the inhuman face of the Federation.
The Federation’s admission before the Court was that a laughable code of conduct existed, which seemingly governed the functioning of the industry. This was effective from May 1, 2012, to April 30, 2015. The code is invalid now, but the Federation insists on going by the same, say the petitioners.
Justice Sinha directed that the health insurance applications would be considered by the Film Directorate, which is headed by an additional secretary, without “routing” them through the Federation. The order said: “Non-production of the Unique Card will not affect any of the rights of the petitioner to perform his profession, trade or business independently.”
The matter will be heard next on May 19.
The Last Resort
In this disheartening landscape, the judiciary has emerged as a crucial counterbalance. The High Court’s strong wording and unequivocal defence of the right to livelihood underscore the importance of institutional checks and balances. The ruling in favour of Bidula Bhattacharjee sets a vital precedent. It shows that ordinary citizens, including artists and entrepreneurs, still have avenues for justice, even when state machinery is stacked against them.
The battle is far from over, but the lines have been clearly drawn. It is now up to civil society, independent institutions, and the courts to ensure that creativity and commerce are not held hostage by political ambition.