By Neeraj Mishra
The recent killing of eight District Reserve Guard (DRG) personnel in a landmine blast in Bijapur district has reignited concerns among human rights groups about the treatment of tribal populations in conflict zones. This incident, marking one of the deadliest attacks on security forces in two years, highlights the grim reality of tribal lives being sacrificed in the fight against Naxalite insurgency.
Ironically, this tragedy has unfolded under the leadership of Vishnudeo Sai, the state’s first tribal Chief Minister in nearly 25 years, further intensifying scrutiny of the government’s approach.
Tribal Boys Turned Soldiers
The DRG, a specialized unit tasked with combating Naxalite forces, is composed almost entirely of local tribal youth. Many members are former Naxalites who surrendered, underwent training, and were armed to fight against their former comrades. Among the eight personnel killed in the Bijapur attack, five were surrendered Naxalites, including Head Constable Budhram Korsa and constables Dumma, Pandaru, Baman Sodhi, and Somdu.
These young men are trained at the Forest Warfare Academy in Kanker by police and Border Security Force (BSF) regulars, receiving a monthly salary of ₹20,000 plus allowances. Currently, the DRG comprises 975 personnel, most of whom joined in search of employment and a better life. Tragically, many are paying for it with their lives.
Allegations of Exploitation
Human rights activists like Soni Sodhi argue that tribal boys are being used as “cannon fodder” by senior police and security forces. The DRG often leads reconnaissance missions, a perilous task in areas heavily mined by Naxalites. This exposes them to extreme danger while higher-ranking personnel from the BSF, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), and State Armed Forces (SAF) follow at a safer distance.
The security apparatus in Bastar operates in a rigid hierarchy. At the top are paramilitary forces like the BSF and CRPF, followed by the state’s SAF, the district police, and finally, the DRG. The DRG, at the bottom of this chain, bears the greatest risks despite being the least equipped and most vulnerable.
A History of Controversy
The DRG’s composition and conduct have drawn criticism. Many of its members were formerly associated with the now-disbanded Salwa Judum, a controversial vigilante militia established during the Raman Singh administration. Salwa Judum, primarily comprising tribal Special Police Officers (SPOs), faced widespread allegations of looting, torture, and exploitation within their own communities.
The government forcibly relocated approximately 50,000 tribals into camps along highways under the Salwa Judum program. These camps, ostensibly set up for protection, became sites of further abuse, with security personnel—including Naga battalions and SPOs—accused of rape and other atrocities.
The DRG appears to have inherited many of these issues, with accusations of indiscipline and human rights abuses. However, the fundamental strategy remains unchanged: tribal communities are caught in a bitter civil conflict, with one faction fighting as insurgents and the other as state-sponsored forces.
A Repeated Cycle of Tragedy
Over the past two decades, the state’s approach in Bastar has remained consistent: pitch tribals against each other. On one side are the Naxalites, claiming to fight for tribal rights and land. On the other are state-supported forces, predominantly composed of tribal recruits. In the end, the common tribal population pays the heaviest price—sacrificing lives, dignity, and stability on their own ancestral lands.